《Common Sense》第13章

that　the　bravest　achievements　were　always　acplished　in　the　non…age　of　a　nation。
with　the　increase　of　merce；　england　hath　lost　its　spirit。 the　city　of　london；　notwithstanding　its　numbers；　submits　to　continued　insults　with　the　patience　of　a　coward。 the　more　men　have　to　lose；　the　less　willing　are　they　to　venture。 the　rich　are　in　general　slaves　to　fear；　and　submit　to　courtly　power　with　the　trembling　duplicity　of　a　spaniel。
youth　is　the　seed　time　of　good　habits；　as　well　in　nations　as　in　individuals。
it　might　be　difficult；　if　not　impossible；　to　form　the　continent　into　one　government　half　a　century　hence。 the　vast　variety　of　interests；　occasioned　by　an　increase　of　trade　and　population；　would　create　confusion。
colony　would　be　against　colony。 each　being　able　might　scorn　each　others　assistance：　and　while　the　proud　and　foolish　gloried　in　their　little　distinctions；　the　wise　would　lament；　that　the　union　had　not　been　formed　before。
wherefore；　the　present　time　is　the　true　time　for　establishing　it。
the　intimacy　which　is　contracted　in　infancy；　and　the　friendship　which　is　formed　in　misfortune；　are；　of　all　others；　the　most　lasting　and　unalterable。
our　present　union　is　marked　with　both　these　characters：　we　are　young　and　we　have　been　distressed；　but　our　concord　hath　withstood　our　troubles；　and　fixes　a　memorable　are　for　posterity　to　glory　in。
the　present　time；　likewise；　is　that　peculiar　time；　which　never　happens　to　a　nation　but　once；　viz。　the　time　of　forming　itself　into　a　government。
most　nations　have　let　slip　the　opportunity；　and　by　that　means　have　been　pelled　to　receive　laws　from　their　conquerors；　instead　of　making　laws　for　themselves。 first；　they　had　a　king；　and　then　a　form　of　government；　whereas；　the　articles　or　charter　of　government；　should　be　formed　first；　and　men　delegated　to　execute　them　afterward　but　from　the　errors　of　other　nations；　let　us　learn　wisdom；　and　lay　hold　of　the　present　opportunity　……to　begin　government　at　the　right　end。
when　william　the　conqueror　subdued　england；　he　gave　them　law　at　the　point　of　the　sword；　and　until　we　consent；　that　the　seat　of　government；　in　america；　be　legally　and　authoritatively　occupied；　we　shall　be　in　danger　of　having　it　filled　by　some　fortunate　ruffian；　who　may　treat　us　in　the　same　manner；　and　then；　where　will　be　our　freedom？　where　our　property？　as　to　religion；　i　hold　it　to　be　the　indispensable　duty　of　all　government；　to　protect　all　conscientious　professors　thereof；　and　i　know　of　no　other　business　which　government　hath　to　do　therewith；　let　a　man　throw　aside　that　narrowness　of　soul；　that　selfishness　of　principle；　which　the　niggards　of　all　professions　are　willing　to　part　with；　and　he　will　be　at　delivered　of　his　fears　on　that　head。 suspicion　is　the　panion　of　mean　souls；　and　the　bane　of　all　good　society。 for　myself；　i　fully　and　conscientiously　believe；　that　it　is　the　will　of　the　almighty；　that　there　should　be　diversity　of　religious　opinions　among　us：　it　affords　a　larger　field　for　our　christian　kindness。 were　we　all　of　one　way　of　thinking；　our　religious　dispositions　would　want　matter　for　probation；　and　on　this　liberal　principle；　i　look　on　the　various　denominations　among　us；　to　be　like　children　of　the　same　family；　differing　only；　in　what　is　called；　their　christian　names。
in　page　forty；　i　threw　out　a　few　thoughts　on　the　propriety　of　a　continental　charter；　（for　i　only　presume　to　offer　hints；　not　plans）　and　in　this　place；　i　take　the　liberty　of　rementioning　the　subject；　by　observing；　that　a　charter　is　to　be　understood　as　a　bond　of　solemn　obligation；　which　the　whole　enters　into；　to　support　the　right　of　every　separate　part；　whether　of　religion；　personal　freedom；　or　property。
a　firm　bargain　and　a　right　reckoning　make　long　friends。
in　a　former　page　i　likewise　mentioned　the　necessity　of　a　large　and　equal　representation；　and　there　is　no　political　matter　which　more　deserves　our　attention。 a　small　number　of　electors；　or　a　small　number　of　representatives；　are　equally　dangerous。
but　if　the　number　of　the　representatives　be　not　only　small；　but　unequal；　the　danger　is　increased。 as　an　instance　of　this；　i　mention　the　following；　when　the　associators　petition　was　before　the　house　of　assembly　of　pennsylvania；　twenty…eight　members　only　were　present；　all　the　bucks　county　members；　being　eight；　voted　against　it；　and　had　seven　of　the　chester　members　done　the　same；　this　whole　province　had　been　governed　by　two　counties　only；　and　this　danger　it　is　always　exposed　to。
the　unwarrantable　stretch　likewise；　which　that　house　made　in　their　last　sitting；　to　gain　an　undue　authority　over　the　delegates　of　that　province；　ought　to　warn　the　people　at　large；　how　they　trust　power　out　of　their　own　hands。 a　set　of　instructions　for　the　delegates　were　put　together；　which　in　point　of　sense　and　business　would　have　dishonoured　a　schoolboy；　and　after　being　approved　by　a　few；　a　very　few　without　doors；　were　carried　into　the　house；　and　there　passed　in　behalf　of　the　whole　colony；　whereas；　did　the　whole　colony　know；　with　what　ill…will　that　house　hath　entered　on　some　necessary　public　measures；　they　would　not　hesitate　a　moment　to　think　them　unworthy　of　such　a　trust。
immediate　necessity　makes　many　things　convenient；　which　if　continued　would　grow　into　oppressions。 expedience　and　right　are　different　things。
when　the　calamities　of　america　required　a　consultation；　there　was　no　method　so　ready；　or　at　that　time　so　proper；　as　to　appoint　persons　from　the　several　houses　of　assembly　for　that　purpose；　and　the　wisdom　with　which　they　have　proceeded　hath　preserved　this　continent　from　ruin。
but　as　it　is　more　than　probable　that　we　shall　never　be　without　a　congress；　every　well　wisher　to　good　order；　must　own；　that　the　mode　for　choosing　members　of　that　body；　deserves　consideration。 and　i　put　it　as　a　question　to　those；　who　make　a　study　of　mankind；　whether　representation　and　election　is　not　too　great　a　power　for　one　and　the　same　body　of　men　to　possess？ when　we　are　planning　for　posterity；　we　ought　to　remember；　that　virtue　is　not　hereditary。
it　is　from　our　enemies　that　we　often　gain　excellent　maxims；　and　are　frequently　surprised　into　reason　by　their　mistakes；　mr。　cornwall　（one　of　the　lords　of　the　treasury）　treated　the　petit